Poverty is typically viewed as an important driver of the HIV epidemic, and AIDS is often called a “disease of poverty”. However, several studies have recently shown that poor individuals are not more likely to be HIV positive than wealthy ones, and the poorest of the less developed countries do not have higher infection rates than other less developed countries (Gillespie et al., 2007; Whiteside, 2008, p. 53). Instead, economic inequality, together with gender inequality, has been suggested as a main socioeconomic driver of the spread of HIV (Nattrass, 2008; Whiteside, 2008, Ch. 3; Fox, 2010).
This report presents the findings and conclusions of the TFESSD evaluation case study on Ethiopia. The case study seeks to assess the influence of trust fund activities in Ethiopia on World Bank products and country level policies and projects. Two members of the evaluation team worked in Addis Ababa over the period 24-28 September 2007. Stakeholders from seven out of the total of thirteen TFESSD activities in Ethiopia were available for meetings. It turned out, however, that most of the seven activities that were discussed with stakeholders in Ethiopia had started implementation only recently and disbursements from the TFESSD were limited or had not yet commenced. To some extent, this was a limitation to what could be derived from this case study. In addition, the evaluation team interviewed TTLs and focal persons at the Country Office in Addis Ababa, government officials, donors, beneficiaries and consultants involved in the activities funded by the TFESSD
highest being a Gini Coefficient1 measure of 0.62, reflecting profound inequities in access to assets, services and opportunities across the population. Supporting the high levels of inequality are the alarming poverty levels in the country with varied proportions; the highest in rural areas of the southernmost and northernmost parts of the country. The central region is relatively less poor and so are the urban areas. Income measures of poverty indicate that more than half of the population (52 percent)2 lives below the poverty line and about one fifth (22 percent) is living in ultra-poverty.3 This chapter looks at the structural causes of inequality in Malawi as well as its economic and social aspects. It further contextualizes inequality from the precolonial era to the present, capturing the key role of the state in tackling related issues and advancing the rights and welfare of the people.
Between 2007 – 14, there were 341 reported PE deals in Southern Africa totaling US$6.7bn. South Africa has the most mature and sophisticated market for PE in the region (and on the continent), accounting for 76% of the deal volume and 92% of the deal value in Southern Africa from 2007 – 2014. Annual deal volumes in the region have been trending downwards slightly since 2012, in part due to slower growth in South Africa and lower prices for commodities affecting the region. Overall, Southern Africa’s share of deal activity in Africa declined from 37% in 2007 – 2010 to 31% in 2011 – 2014. There were 127 PE exits in Southern Africa from 2007 – 2014. Sales to trade buyers – many to South African companies looking to expand their footprint within South Africa and across the region – accounted for a large proportion of exits
Africa’s GDP grew at 6.6% in 2012 from 3.5% in 2011. This acceleration was partly due to considerable rebound in Libya’s GDP which in 2012 grew by 96%, after a sharp contraction of 60% in 2011 following the revolution. Netting out the Libyan effect, growth in Africa’s real GDP was recorded at 4.2%. Thus, Libya’s economic recovery added more than 2 percentage points to Africa’s growth in 2012.
The medium-term economic outlook for Africa remains favourable despite some country speciﬁc challenges and headwinds from the global economy, in particular Europe’s debt crisis and ﬁscal uncertainty in the United States. The projection assumes a gradual improvement in global economic conditions, consolidated domestic macroeconomic stability coupled with reign of peace in countries still plagued by political instability. Under these conditions, Africa’s economy is projected to grow by 4.8% in 2013 and accelerate to 5.3 % in 2014. The main engines of growth are expected to be expansion in agricultural production, robust growth in services and, a rise in oil production and increased mining activity mainly in resource-rich countries. This relatively broad-based pattern of economic growth will be underpinned by resurgence in supply and domestic demand conditions, the latter driven by an increase in consumption and investment
We, Ministers in Charge of Social Development, Labour and Employment of African Union Member States, meeting at the First Meeting of the Specialized Technical Committee on Social Development, Labour and Employment, together with Social Partners, under the theme, “Social Protection and Inclusive Development” at the AUC Headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from 20 to 24 April 2015,
Gender inequality remains deeply entrenched in every society under various forms, from labour segregation and gender wage gaps, to gender-based discrimination in asset ownership, to huge differences in responsibility for house and care work. According to the ILO, nearly half of the female population above the age of 15 remains economically inactive, compared to 22.3 per cent for men; and when women do find work, they tend to receive lower wages and less benefits than the male workers in similar positions (International Labour Organization [ILO], 2010). Of the nearly 775 million illiterate adults worldwide, two thirds are women (UNESCO Institute for Statistics [UIS], 2010). On average, women still hold about only 20 per cent of seats in national parliaments worldwide (Inter-Parliamentary Union [IPU], 2012). These are just a few examples of a disparity in outcomes that is systemic and pervasive; which warns us of a likely inequality of initial opportunities (United Nations Research Institute for Social Development [UNRISD], 2012).
This country gender profile provides comparative information on men and women in Ethiopia covering a wide range of issues, with particular reference to poverty and other economic, political, legal socio-economic and socio-cultural factors. Three topics namely, the girl child, HIV/ AIDS and human rights and governance are given separate coverage, because of the need to give special attention to the issues. The paper is an outcome of a gender equality assessment undertaken, that enabled the examination of existing situation, actions taken to address disparities, stakeholders involved, and identification of opportunities for intervention. The objective of the exercise was provision of information on Ethiopia for the facilitation of gender aware country strategies and projects development, as well as policy dialogue.
Ethiopia, one of the poorest countries in the world, is largely rural: its urbanization rate, estimated at 16 percent in 2005, is low in comparison to Sub Saharan and Eastern Africa where it is 35 and 21 percent, respectively. Yet, urbanization is proceeding at a fast pace: the urban population is expected to grow at more than 4 percent over the 2000-2035 period resulting in a rise of the urban share to about 31 percent (UN Population Division, 2007).
Ethiopia has had different defining moments that make her survive for thousand years. One defining moment, for instance, was the war against colonialist in the second half of the nineteenth century, which culminated in the battle of Adwa. Today Ethiopia has to choose another defining moment to ensure the unity of the people and survival of its cultures. This defining moment is the process of structural transformation. In this paper I will try to offer a new conceptual approach to the current political discussion on Ethiopia, centered on the notion of structural transformation