The right to property is acknowledged to be one of the fundamental human rights. It is enshrined in Article 29 of the Rwandan Constitution of 4 June 2003, which includes various revisions made following Rwanda’s ratification of different international agreements on human rights, notably the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The characteristics of property law include usus, fructus and abusus. Usus means the right to manage a property, fructus refers to the right to use what is produced on a property and abusus is the right to dispose of a property.
Income per capita in Uganda has doubled in the last 20 years. This remarkable performance has been buoyed by significant aid flows and large external imbalances. Economic growth has been concentrated in non-tradable activities leading to growing external imbalances and a growing gap between rural and urban incomes. Future growth will depend on achieving sufficient export dynamism. In addition, growth faces a number of other challenges: low urbanization rate, rapid rural population growth and high dependency ratios. However, both the dependency ratio and fertility rates have begun to decline recently. Rural areas are also severely overcrowded with low-productivity subsistence agriculture as a pervasive form of production. Commercial agriculture has great possibilities to increase output, but as the sector improves its access to capital, inputs and technology it will shed jobs rather than create them.
This publication, launched in Nairobi on 15 May 2007, analyses inequality from the perspectives of 8 different sectors of Kenya’s economy. Contributions have been made by some of the leading experts in Kenya. As the first volume in this planned series of publications on inequality in the region, this book carries on from Pulling Apart: Facts and Figures on Inequality in Kenya, which was launched in October 2004 and looked at the status of inequality in Kenya. The publications are part of SID’s programme on Rich and Poor: National Discourses on Poverty, Inequality and Growth .
This publication is part of the Rich and Poor: National Discourses on Poverty, Inequality and Growth Project (RAPP). Basing its contents exclusively on secondary sources, the report captures the facts and presents the portrait of the unequal development of a nation.
While average living standards are usually higher in urban areas, economic growth does not result in prosperity for all. Inequality among city dwellers is a potential source of frustration which could lead to increased risk of urban violence, especially if certain groups are underprivileged and suffer from social exclusion. According to common beliefs, rural-to-urban migrants are likely to suffer from relative deprivation and marginalization, which may in turn increase the potential for political radicalization and unrest. This paper assesses this claim empirically.
This paper reviews what is known to date about the magnitude of the brain drain from developing to developed countries, its determinants and the way it affects the well-being of those left behind. First, I present alternative measures of the brain drain and characterize its evolution over the last 25 years. Then, I review the theoretical and empirical literature. Although the brain drain is a major source of concern for origin countries, it also induces positive effects through various channels such as remittances, return migration, diaspora externalities, quality of governance and increasing return to education. Whilst many scientists and international institutions praise the unambiguous benefits of unskilled migration for developing countries, my analysis suggests that a limited but positive skilled emigration rate (say between 5 and 10 percent) can also be good for development. Nevertheless, the current spatial distribution of the brain drain is such that many poor countries are well above this level, such as sub-Saharan Africanand Central American countries.
This paper under takes an inter-regional analysis of the South, Centre and North of Mozambique, demonstrating clear developmental differences attributed to many years of remittances channeled to the mainly rural areas of Southern Mozambique. This is followed by an analysis of the results of SAMP’s Migration and Remittance Survey (MARS) conducted in Southern Mozambique in 2004 which provides useful insights into the disparity of wealth and well-being among external migrant-sending households.
International remittances –the money and goods transmitted to household back home by people working away from their origin communities- can have a profound effect on poverty , income distribution and development in rural areas of Third World countries . This study examines the effects of international remittances on rural Egypt , where international migration has been extensive in re cent years . It is based on a household survey conducted in 1968/87 in three villages in Minya Governorate, a rural province south of Cairo.
The World Bank, Washington, DC, USA. This paper uses cross-country data and country-case studies to analyze trends in poverty, inequality and economic growth in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Compared to other regions, the MENA region has a low incidence of poverty and income inequality. Two factors account for this situation: international migration/remittances and public sector (government) employment. Since the early 1980s international migration to the Persian Gulf and Europe has helped boost the incomes of the poor in the Middle East. At the same time, many MENA countries have used government employment as a means of keeping people employed and out of poverty. Regression analysis of cross country data shows that both of these factors have a statistically signiﬁcant impact on reducing the level and depth of poverty in the MENA region.