The objective of this report is to provide foundational research for a planned policy paper for the Oxfam Rights in Crisis (RiC) campaign ,African Conflicts – Safety, Livelihoods, and Gender Justice‟. The report is based on a review of relevant literature, field research conducted at Oxfam project sites in two states of South Sudan, Lakes (Oxfam Great Britain) and Warrap (Intermón Oxfam), and interviews with key informants. Its focus is on pastoralist and agropastoralist communities in remote border areas, as they are among the groups most affected by conflict and the most marginalised, and their voices are often not heard. The dominant ethnic group in the research areas are the Dinka, which is why this report focuses on Dinka culture.
Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, sits at the confluence of the Blue and White Niles. Sudan itself, recipient of the rich and diverse influences from both northern and sub-Saharan Africa, sits at the confluence of different races, religions and cultures. This report finds that unlike the Nile, whose two branches meet and together form one of the world’s mightiest rivers, Sudan remains racked by division and divergence, with inequality being their root cause.
South Sudan’s independence ends decades of conflict as well as socioeconomic and political marginalization at the hands of successive governments in Khartoum, which affected women in gender-specific ways. Independence thus opens up opportunities for women’s economic and social empowerment, ensuring that the new country’s political and economic structures and institutions reflect commitments to women’s participation and human rights. In turn, empowering women will enable South Sudan to strengthen its economic and political
structures and institutions.
In 2005, government released its economic policy programme captured formally as the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (ASGISA) (The Presidency, 2005). ASGISA is distinguished, relative to its two predecessors, GEAR and the RDP, by its strong emphasis on defined, and very specific growth-enhancing projects. The delivery of physical infrastructure and a detailed programme for the provision of skills are just two examples of such interventions. It is important to note however, that in many senses, ASGISA is a continuation of the GEAR strategy. Having achieved the critical need for macroeconomic stability – arguably the core of GEAR – the emphasis has now shifted within ASGISA to a more detailed programme of activities designed to deliver the holy grail of 6% growth per annum.
Widening income inequality is the defining challenge of our time. In advanced economies, the gap between the rich and poor is at its highest level in decades. Inequality trends have been more mixed in emerging markets and developing countries (EMDCs), with some countries experiencing declining inequality, but pervasive inequities in access to education, health care, and finance remain. Not surprisingly then, the extent of inequality, its drivers, and what to do about it have become some of the most hotly debated issues by policymakers and researchers alike. Against this background, the objective of this paper is two-fold.
Poverty reduction is the core objective of the Ethiopian government. Economic growth is the principal, but not the only means to this objective. This policy approach raises fundamental questions: (1) what are the mechanisms and conditions by which economic growth translates into poverty reduction? (2) How do initial poverty and inequality affect the prospect for sustained and rapid economic growth? And (3) what are the links among economic growth, income distribution and poverty in the short and long term? This paper is aimed at addressing these questions
Economic globalization can be evaluated with reference to at least three dimensions:trade, private capital flows, and migration. For each of these dimensions, pathways can be identified through which economic globalization can help or hurt poor people. For example, exports of labor-intensive goods have the potential of supporting the incomes of poor people, but imports of armaments can have disastrous impacts,especially for poor children. Capital inflows in the form of FDI can enhance employment and technological learning, but unwise bond finance and commercial bank lending can precipitate crises with devastating effects for poor people.Sorting out the positive and negative impacts of increased globalization from the point of view of poor people is therefore of great importance. This paper attempts to do so using the particular circumstances of Ethiopia as a central reference point
In its review of Ethiopia’s economy, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has indicated that Ethiopia has been attaining economic growth for the past seven years. In addition, the IMF highlights that the lifestyle of the Ethiopian people has been getting better for the last two decades. In the same vein, the Economist indicated that Ethiopia has become the fifth fastest growing economy in the world (for a review see, Desta, 2010).
The overarching importance of trade has long been recognized as a key element of sustainable development in both developed and developing countries. Inspired by the gains from trade, countries have long adopted an outward looking, export-oriented development approach aiming at restoring internal and external economic stability and enhancing efficiency of resource allocation (Berg and Krueger, 2003). Trade liberalization is seen as a means of achieving industrialization and modernization through securing economies of scale, market access, and trade expansion.
Beyond its core focus on macroeconomic and financial policies, the Fund is increasingly concerned with how income inequality affects growth and macroeconomic stability. Over the last decade, many of the countries that have entered a path of fast economic development and reduced poverty simultaneously experienced a rising gap between the rich and poor. As a result, in many of them, including those in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), income inequality has increased. The relationship between growth and inequality is a complex one, given that the causality may go in both directions, and the effect of inequality on growth may change with a country’s stage of development. A growing body of research indicates the adverse implications of inequality for development and macro stability, arguing that it may lead to political and economic instability, weaken support for economic reforms, and undermine progress in education and health (Persson and Tabellini, 1994; Easterly, 2007; Berg, Ostry and Zettelmeyer, 2012; Ostry et al., 2014). Recent empirical work conducted at the Fund confirms this relationship between rising income inequality and its impact on economic growth (Dabla Norris et al., 2015)