Malawi is a landlocked country south of the equator in sub-Saharan Africa. It is bordered to the north and northeast by the United Republic of Tanzania; to the east, south, and southwest by the People’s Republic of Mozambique; and to the west and northwest by the Republic of Zambia. The country is 901 kilometers long and ranges in width from 80 to 161 kilometers. The total area is 118,484 square kilometers of which 94,276 square kilometers is land area. The remaining area is mostly composed of Lake Malawi, which is about 475 kilometers long and runs down Malawi’s eastern boundary with Mozambique.
The 2015 Human Development Report (HDR) Work for Human Development examines the intrinsic relationship between work and human development. Work, which is a broader concept than jobs or employment, can be a means of contributing to the public good, reducing inequality, securing livelihoods and empowering individuals. Work allows people to participate in the society and provides them a sense of dignity and worth. In addition, work that involves caring for others or voluntarism builds social cohesion and strengthens bonds within families and communities.
These are all essential aspects of human development. But a positive link between work and human development is not automatic. The link can be broken in cases of exploitative and hazardous conditions, where labour rights are not guaranteed or protected, where social protection measures are not in place, and when unequal opportunities and work related discrimination increase and perpetuate socioeconomic inequality.
The development of the Transformation Plan (previously called Business Plan) aims to further the work of the UN in the area of transformation/reform. This helps enhance the linkages between the programmes and operations; reduce the transaction costs; and increase the efficiency and effectiveness of the UN interventions in the country. Detailed commitments in Delivering as One were reflected in the UN Business Plan (2008-2009) and the first Transformation Plan (2010-2011).
Transformation Plans outline the two year strategic focus of the transformative interventions at the country level. They provide the basis for annual work planning of the Operations Management Team and different thematic groups and facilitate monitoring and evaluation, division of labour, accountabilities and resource mobilization in support of more strategic, cost effective business operations support for UN Programmes.
My fellow Malawians,
I have the privilege of placing before you the Manifesto of the People’s Party, which highlights the policies and progammes we intend to implement after the forthcoming elections. I do so in all humility, knowing, as you do, how far we have recently come in rescuing our country from the mismanagement and abuses of the past. However, we still have a lot of work to do, in order to turn our country around and create the foundation for a clean and competent Government that meets the aspirations of the people of Malawi.
Endogenous economic growth literature is increasingly taking an interest in the role of institutions. Recent literature has attempted to understand why in certain political contexts, growth-enhancing institutions emerge while growth-impeding institutions persist in many developing countries for long periods of time (Acemoglu and Robinson 2012; Khan 2010).
There remains an inadequate understanding of the political dynamics of economic growth. Three unanswered questions are:
(a) why do some countries successfully initiate episodes of rapid growth while others suffer extended stagnation?
(b) why do some countries sustain growth episodes over many decades, while other growth episodes end in reversion to stagnation or collapse? and
(c) what characterises feedback loops between growth and institutions?
At present, there are 48 countries designated by the United Nations as “least developed countries” (LDCs). These are: Afghanistan, Angola, Bangladesh, Benin, Bhutan, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cambodia, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, the Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Haiti, Kiribati, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Myanmar, Nepal, Niger, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Solomon Islands, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Timor-Leste, Togo, Tuvalu, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Vanuatu, Yemen and Zambia.
One of the earliest and most central insights of the literature on economic development is that development entails structural change. The countries that manage to pull themselves out of poverty and get richer are those that are able to diversify away from agriculture and other traditional products. As labor and other resources move from agriculture into modern economic activities, overall productivity rises and incomes expand. The speed with which this structural transformation takes place is the key factor that differentiates successful countries from unsuccessful ones.
Poverty is typically viewed as an important driver of the HIV epidemic, and AIDS is often called a “disease of poverty”. However, several studies have recently shown that poor individuals are not more likely to be HIV positive than wealthy ones, and the poorest of the less developed countries do not have higher infection rates than other less developed countries (Gillespie et al., 2007; Whiteside, 2008, p. 53). Instead, economic inequality, together with gender inequality, has been suggested as a main socioeconomic driver of the spread of HIV (Nattrass, 2008; Whiteside, 2008, Ch. 3; Fox, 2010).
Poverty reduction is the core objective of the Ethiopian government. Economic growth is the principal, but not the only means to this objective. This policy approach raises fundamental questions: 1) what are the mechanisms and conditions by which economic growth translates into poverty reduction? 2) how do initial poverty and inequality affect the prospect for sustained and rapid economic growth? And, 3) what are the links among economic growth, income distribution and poverty in the short and long term? This paper is aimed at addressing these questions.
This report presents the findings and conclusions of the TFESSD evaluation case study on Ethiopia. The case study seeks to assess the influence of trust fund activities in Ethiopia on World Bank products and country level policies and projects. Two members of the evaluation team worked in Addis Ababa over the period 24-28 September 2007. Stakeholders from seven out of the total of thirteen TFESSD activities in Ethiopia were available for meetings. It turned out, however, that most of the seven activities that were discussed with stakeholders in Ethiopia had started implementation only recently and disbursements from the TFESSD were limited or had not yet commenced. To some extent, this was a limitation to what could be derived from this case study. In addition, the evaluation team interviewed TTLs and focal persons at the Country Office in Addis Ababa, government officials, donors, beneficiaries and consultants involved in the activities funded by the TFESSD